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The Security and Political Crisis in Jammu and Kashmir

Wednesday, June 17, 2026
5 min read
The Security and Political Crisis in Jammu and Kashmir

Rawalpindi is running with its usual playbook, blaming foreign intelligence agencies for everything happening in Jammu and Kashmir. It’s massive domestic pushback, unprecedented stuff.

The Director General of ISPR, Lieutenant General Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, just gave an exclusive briefing to the press, and he laid it out plainly: New Delhi is orchestrating these ongoing riots in the occupied territory. Zero tolerance. That was the tone set. They slammed the door shut on any future talks with the Joint Public Action Committee the old Awami Action Committee. The military promised they would crush this dissent using whatever constitutional or military tools were available.

This whole thing surfaces because the civilian side in PoJK is completely shattered. While the army insists it’s a “terrifying foreign-funded plot,” what you see on the ground looks totally different. People are raging about basic stuff: high wheat prices, crazy electricity tariffs. They point to that controversial 12-seat reservation for refugees and argue it just erases their local political control. Instead of talking about those structural failures, General Sharif pointed the finger elsewhere. He claimed disruptive factions, weaponized by Indian narratives, were solely responsible for all the road blockades and escalating violence across the valley.

The closed-door session signaled something definite. No more state-led reconciliation. Sharif made it clear: the government wouldn’t compromise its writ just because of public pressure or political noise. The military leadership sounded seriously alarmed, alleging that key people inside the JPAC have actually started taking up arms against the machinery itself. They suggested this movement is pushing some really sensitive agenda a plan to forcibly open routes across the Line of Control to the Indian side.

It highlights how deeply the security establishment is rattled about its grip on PoJK. You see the shift, don’t you? From what they called a “measured, no-rush approach” suddenly snapping into an absolute anti-terror clampdown. It feels like an institutional failure to actually calm things down through consensus. Despite all the police crackdowns and those sedition cases filed against local activists and the internet blackouts the civil rights movement just got louder. People are exposing that deep resentment about federal overreach, about how Islamabad exploits them economically and politically.

During the briefing, General Sharif leaned heavily into nationalism to dodge the immediate administrative mess. He kept bringing up the history of the conflicts 1948, '65, Kargil, Maarka-e-Haq. He reminded everyone that a huge chunk of the Pakistan Army traces its roots back there. And then he brought in legacy slogans; people are tied to Islamabad.

But that deflective move feels hollow. Linking basic demands for food subsidies and fair resource allocation directly to cross-border terrorism from Afghanistan and India? That’s a massive disconnect. The military establishment is essentially turning an intense, domestic human rights crisis into some kind of proxy war. It justifies deploying more paramilitary forces and using anti-terrorism laws against its own people. As PoJK heads toward those volatile legislative elections, Islamabad’s reliance on brute force and external blame over actual governance just keeps pushing the territory to a breaking point.

Written by Gree News Team — Senior Editorial Board

Gree News Team covers international news and global affairs at Gree News. Our collective of senior editors is dedicated to providing independent, accurate, and responsible journalism for a global audience.

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